Across generations, beginning with the Prophet ﷺ, Muslim marriages took a wide range of forms. Below, I explore a few dimensions of that reality: the home, work, interpersonal dynamics, intimacy, and the mahr (dower)—all of which defy simplistic generalizations. Lived experience often reshaped even the most established expectations, bending them to the contours of custom and circumstance.
Home
In many societies, women bore the primary responsibility for household tasks such as cooking, cleaning, and childcare. Numerous reports reflect this pattern during the time of the Prophet: companions often returned home inquiring whether their wives had prepared food for the Prophet ﷺ or his guests,
and on multiple occasions, the Prophet ﷺ himself returned with visitors and asked his wives to serve them.
When Jabir bin ʿAbdullah told the Prophet ﷺ that he had married an older, more experienced woman to help care for his younger siblings, the Prophet ﷺ affirmed the wisdom of this decision, indicating that such roles were both expected and appreciated within the family structure.
Among the many examples, two stand out for highlighting how women’s domestic responsibilities were affirmed with the promise of great reward. Fatima (rA), the daughter of the Prophet, was overwhelmed by the toll of grinding grain and household labor. When she approached her father for help, the Prophet ﷺ offered a practical solution: he recommended she and ʿAli (rA) divide responsibilities, with ʿAli taking charge of tasks outside the home and Fatima managing those within.
For many scholars, this incident reflected a prescriptive model of gendered labor; for others, it represented a contextually appropriate arrangement.
In either case, it affirmed the virtue of domestic labor. Similarly, Asmaʾ bint Yazid voiced her frustration to the Prophet ﷺ. Men, she observed, were able to more easily pursue lofty acts of worship like attending funerals, going on pilgrimage, and engaging in jihad while women often remained at home, consumed by family responsibilities. The Prophet praised her insight and assured her that a woman in her position would receive the same reward for her sacrifices.
Yet the burden of household labor did not fall on women alone. The Prophet ﷺ is famously described as being “in the service of his family,” mending his clothes and performing household tasks.
When asked to describe the Prophet’s home life, ʿAʾisha responded matter-of-factly: “He did what men usually do in their homes”—he patched his sandals, mended clothes, sewed, milked the animals, swept the house, and saw to his own needs.
Her description implies not a one-time gesture of help, but regular participation. As al-Muhallab observed, the Prophet’s conduct was not just a sign of humility, but a model of behavior he intended for both men and women to follow.
Finances
Men were the default financial providers for their families. Wealthy companions like ʿAbd al-Rahman bin ʿAwf took pride in sustaining their households along with the broader community through acts of charity. Others, such as Abu Bakr, while more modest in wealth, remained consistent in meeting his family’s needs and was known for his personal sacrifices, including spending his entire fortune in support of the Prophet during critical moments. Even rulers were not exempt from this ethic. As caliphs, ʿUmar bin al-Khattab and ʿUmar bin ʿAbd al-ʿAziz were both known to keep meticulous accounts of state expenditures and take deliberate care to provide for their families without indulging in extravagance. Later figures such as Imam Abu Hanifa took up side businesses to support their dependents while dedicating themselves to scholarship. Biographical texts, like Ibn Saʿd’s Tabaqat and al-Dhahabi’s Siyar, record many early scholars engaging in professions such as trading, textile production, and craftsmanship to maintain financial independence and fulfill their familial obligations.
While not expected to be primary providers, women, too, were financial actors, supporting their families and contributing generously to charitable causes. In one well-known instance, Zaynab, the wife of ʿAbdullah bin Masʿud, asked the Prophet ﷺ whether she could give her zakat to her husband, who was struggling financially. The Prophet reassured her that she would be rewarded twice—once for fulfilling her obligation, and again for supporting her household.
Umm Salama also sought the Prophet’s permission to spend her wealth on her children, and he assured her that she would be rewarded for it.
In another case, Asmaʾ, the aunt of Jabir bin ʿAbdullah, requested permission to cultivate her palm trees after her divorce. The Prophet ﷺ not only allowed it, but encouraged her, praising her intent to use her earnings for charity and righteous deeds.
In premodern societies, family survival depended on everyone contributing according to their means and capacity.
Work was often embedded within the social fabric of extended households and neighborhoods, and included farming, textile production, trade, and education—areas in which women were particularly active. Even domestic tasks such as cooking and childcare were not isolated duties but part of a broader ecosystem of mutual support among extended families and neighbors. This dynamic was especially visible during the Mamluk period (13th–16th centuries), when urban life in cities like Cairo, Damascus, and Jerusalem saw widespread wage labor. Many women, regardless of marital status, were employed as midwives, peddlers, hairdressers, and textile workers including spinners, embroiderers, and weavers.
Even women from elite, scholarly families like ʿAʾisha bint Muhammad (d. 736/1336) in Damascus supported herself by working a loom.
Likewise, Dayfa bint ʿUmar (d. 728/1328) whose husband was chronically ill, assumed full financial responsibility for their household. Even after his recovery, she continued to manage their affairs and, following his death, raised their children independently on her earnings.
Elite men and women across the Islamic world also played a public financial role through charitable endowments.
They established schools, mosques, hospitals, and other institutions, often using their personal wealth. These acts of patronage reflected not only their piety and social standing but also the broader Islamic ethic of shared responsibility: financial stewardship was a virtue upheld by both men and women in service of their families and societies.
Dower
The practice of dower (
mahr) in Muslim marriages offers another example of both legal consistency and cultural flexibility. The Qur’an mandates
mahr as a required gift from the husband to the wife, yet the form, timing, and amount of that gift have historically varied in accordance with local customs and individual circumstances. One well-known Prophetic precedent illustrates this range. When a man approached the Prophet ﷺ seeking to marry but lacking any material means, the Prophet asked whether he had memorized any parts of the Qur’an. Upon confirming that he had, the Prophet declared, “I marry her to you for what you know of the Qur’an.”
This moment became foundational in demonstrating that
mahr could be educational or service-based, so long as it held recognized value.
Classical jurists across the legal schools upheld this principle, even as they debated minimum amounts, acceptable forms, and enforceability. These rulings often reflected the social and economic realities of their time. In the Mamluk period, for instance, the structure and payment of
mahr became increasingly diverse. Before the end of the 13th century, husbands typically fulfilled their financial obligations by purchasing necessities like food and clothing directly for their wives. By the early 14th century, however, a shift occurred: some husbands began to provide maintenance through regular cash stipends. By the 15th century, such cash payments had become a widespread and normalized form of
nafaqa (marital support
).
Marriage contracts during this era also reveal a wide array of practices concerning the timing of the
mahr. Some agreements stipulated immediate, full payment at the time of marriage. Others divided the payment into annual installments or deferred the amount entirely, rendering it a debt payable upon the wife’s demand. These contractual variations underscore that while
mahr is a legal requirement, it was negotiated through mutual agreement, social norms, and the practical needs of each couple.
Intimacy
While the legal tradition often foregrounds a husband’s right to intimacy, from the time of the Prophet ﷺ, sexual satisfaction was recognized as a right of wives as well. A telling example comes from the household of Abu al-Dardaʾ.
When Salman al-Farisi visited and found Abu al-Dardaʾ’s wife in a visibly neglected state, she explained that her husband had “no need for this world.” Abu al-Dardaʾ’s excessive fasting, night prayer, and asceticism had left little room for marital companionship. Salman reminded him that one’s spouse has rights and they must be honored. When they brought the matter to the Prophet ﷺ, he affirmed Salman’s counsel, underscoring that even the pursuit of piety must not come at the cost of intimacy and care within marriage.
In another instance, a woman approached ʿUmar bin al-Khattab during his caliphate to complain about her husband.
She described him as constantly engaged in prayer and fasting. ʿUmar, interpreting this as a compliment, praised the man’s piety. But one of the companions present, Kaʿb bin Sur, saw what ʿUmar had missed: the woman was not lauding her husband’s devotion—she was lamenting that his spiritual routine left no space for intimacy. Recognizing his oversight, ʿUmar appointed Kaʿb to arbitrate between them.
Perhaps the most poignant example comes from ʿUmar’s nighttime patrols. During one of his rounds in Medina, he overheard a woman reciting verses of poetry expressing longing for her absent husband, who had been away on a military expedition.
Concerned, ʿUmar investigated and consulted his daughter Hafsa, asking how long a woman could reasonably remain without intimacy. Her answer—six months—prompted ʿUmar to institute a policy limiting the duration of military deployment, ensuring that spouses were not separated indefinitely. Later jurists like Ibn Taymiyya noted that this timeframe was an approximation and a woman’s sexual needs should be assessed according to her particular circumstances.
Or as al-Buhuti framed it: Just as marriage helps a man guard against the harm of unchecked desire, it serves the same purpose for a woman—which is why sexual intimacy is a mutual right.
Dynamics
Even in the Prophet’s time, notable differences in marital dynamics existed across regions. Meccan women were generally more reserved and deferential toward their husbands, while Medinan women were known for their assertiveness. When ʿUmar bin al-Khattab expressed concern over the boldness of Medinan women—who, in his view, challenged the deference he was accustomed to—the Prophet ﷺ simply smiled, signaling that Islam accommodated a spectrum of marital interaction rather than mandating a singular model.
This flexibility continued into the caliphate of ʿUmar himself. On one occasion, a man came to seek his counsel about difficulties with his wife, only to overhear ʿUmar raising his voice inside his own home. Embarrassed, the man turned to leave. When ʿUmar emerged and asked why he had come, the man sheepishly confessed he had come to complain about his wife, but seeing that even the Caliph faced similar challenges, he thought better of it. ʿUmar, in turn, advised him to be patient and overlook his wife’s faults in light of all that women do to support and sustain their households.
The Prophet’s own household further exemplified this ethos. His wives voiced their frustrations openly and, at times, even gave him the silent treatment. Their assertiveness was so striking that ʿUmar once remarked in astonishment, “Do you not fear Allah’s wrath?”—not merely because they were speaking back to their husband, but because they were addressing the Messenger of God.
In a well-known exchange, Abu Bakr came to visit the Prophet ﷺ, only to hear ʿAʾisha raising her voice at the Messenger of God.
Appalled by her boldness, Abu Bakr chastised her, but the Prophet ﷺ did not—reflecting a broad range of acceptable behavior and norms.
At the same time, we find various examples of female companions who were very deferential to their husbands. Asmaʾ bint Abi Bakr was known for her remarkable dedication to serving her husband, often going to great lengths to fulfill her responsibilities. On one occasion, the Prophet ﷺ encountered her carrying a heavy load of date stones on her head, so he offered her a ride on his mount. She shyly declined out of consideration for her husband al-Zubayr, who was known for his protective jealousy.
In another instance, Umm Sulaym, the mother of Anas bin Malik, displayed remarkable composure after the death of her young son.
Only after serving her husband dinner and spending the night intimately with him did she gently inform him of their child’s passing. The Prophet, upon hearing the news, prayed for blessings in their lineage.